In November, the English Heritage organization placed a small but significant blue plaque on a house in Putney, South London. This marks the house as an English Heritage site, where a historical figure of repute lived. Visitors to London can find over 950 of these plaques everywhere, indicating the residences of Prime Ministers, poets, philanthropists and various other luminaries, both men and women.
This particular plaque in Putney read “Physicist, Nobel Laureate, and champion of science in developing countries lived here.” It honors none other than Pakistan’s own theoretical physicist Professor Abdus Salam, who lived in London from 1957 until his death in 1996. His scientific achievements are too numerous to list here, the most significant of which was the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1979. He won this with his fellow researchers Sheldon Glashow and Steven Weinberg for their work on the electroweak unification theory.
The controversy surrounding Professor Salam’s religious affiliation is known to all. A member of the Ahmedi sect, Cambridge-educated Professor Salam served as Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s Scientific Advisor for thirteen years starting in 1961, during which time he helped Pakistan develop its peaceful nuclear capacity. In 1974, Bhutto declared Ahmedis as non-Muslims, and Professor Salam resigned from his post and left the country permanently.
Pakistan held more disappointments for him after this. In 1987, when he was being considered for the head of UNESCO, Pakistan did not support his nomination and he was not selected for the post. Even today, Professor Salam can be referred to as a Nobel Laureate and a Pakistani, but not a Muslim. Yet Professor Salam, who headed the mathematics department at Government College Lahore and at the University of Punjab, was the founding director of SUPARCO, and established the Theoretical Physics Group in the PAEC, was always cognizant of his identity as a Pakistani and a Muslim, even after his departure from the nation and his expulsion from the religion.
A film about his life, a documentary called Salam – The First ***** Nobel Laureate (the ***** refers to the defacement of Salam’s tombstone, on which the word “Muslim” was scratched out), reveals his famous diary entry on September 7, 1974: “Declared non-Muslim, cannot cope.” The makers of the film theorize that his exile from Pakistan made him even more sensitive to his status as a person from the “third world”. Zainab Imam, in her review of the documentary, writes: “To Salam, the 1974 amendment to the constitution displaced not only his identity but the vantage point from which he saw a world that couldn’t quite place him: a third worlder among Westerners, a devoutly religious yet avowedly scientific man among atheists.”
This psychological trauma in part spurred Professor Salam to become a “champion of science in the developing world.” He could have spurned his background and heritage, especially after such a terrible rejection by the country of his birth. Instead, he did what people of tremendous character do when they are faced with opposition: he used the adversity as a stepladder to transcend his personal disappointment and grief, wielding his considerable influence and acclaim to nurture future scientists from similar cultural and geopolitical backgrounds as his own.
After the rupture between Professor Salam and the nation of Pakistan (Zainab Imam calls this “Bhutto’s political calculus”), both parties found a way to maintain ties behind the scenes. Professor Salam set up the International Centre for Theoretical Physics in Trieste, Italy; its mission is to advance scientific achievement in developing nations. Over 2000 scientists from Pakistan have visited Trieste since 1970, several have won science prizes at the institute, and official delegations from the Pakistan Ministry of Science and Technology, COMSATS, and the Pakistani Consulate visit the Centre frequently.
In Pakistan, the ITCP supported the Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute and Quaid-e-Azam University’s physics department, which was renamed after him in 2016. There is now an Abdus Salam chair in Physics at Government College Lahore. Professor Salam also set up the International Nathiagali Summer College back in 1974, which continues to hold scientific meetings every year. Among his many international awards, Professor Salam won the Nishan-e-Imtiaz in 1979 for his contributions to Pakistan’s scientific field. Beyond his death, he continues to shape young scientists’ minds in his own country and all over the world.
That our officials and VIPs, scientists and diplomats maintain ties with the ICTP suggests that Pakistan would like to reclaim Professor Salam’s legacy, but because of religious pressure they cannot do it openly or whole-heartedly. Meanwhile, Professor Salam lies buried in Rabwah rather than in the United Kingdom, showing his deep love for his country despite his vilification here. And a green hand-lettered plaque placed by the Punjab Archeology Department on a small brick house in a muddy street in Jhang reads: “National Monument: Birth place of Nobel Laureate Prof Abdus Salam, Protected in June 1981 under Antiquities Act 1975.”
As we in nations other than the United States, who have had a less glorious history with democracy, observe the United States election 2020, I keep being struck by the parallels between this year’s election and elections as I’ve witnessed them in my own country, Pakistan.
A little history for you: Pakistan has been ruled by several military dictatorships, as recently as 1999-2007. From 1989 to 1999, our two main political parties alternated in and out of Parliament (we have a supposedly Parliamentary democracy, a President, and a very influential Army running our affairs in a sort of hybrid model that still functions less efficiently than an electric Kia). The same thing happened from 2008 and continues today, except that a third party has managed to become the winner in the last election back in 201? (I’d like to say I’ve forgotten already, but I’m duty bound to tell you they happened in 2018).
Our elections are the type of thing that makes you want to groan and hide your head in the sand. Political rallies take place across the country, the tone and tenor and maturity of said events comparable to your average big top circus, complete with clowns and wild animals (one party took a real, live lion on tour on the back of a truck. It died of heat exhaustion so they just got another one).
The election results are always questionable: people brag that they vote once, twice, and three times. Dead people end up on the voter registration records. I myself found that my constituency (based on where I live) had been officially moved from where I actually live to the city’s most drug-riddled, gang-war addled area. I only found this out when the government introduced a text-message based service where you send in your ID number and your constituency gets SMSd back to you. Needless to say, I was not able to vote that year.
In America, things have been happening that I never expected to see. I know a lot of American politicking happens at monster truck rallies, but I never thought I’d see gun-toting supporters of the incumbent, swaggering around supermarkets and suburban streets. I was astonished to see luxury stores boarding up their storefronts for fear that their goods would be looted in post-election violence. Those sights have always been reserved for my Third World hybrid democracy.
The mudslinging in the US election has been impressive even by my standards. In Pakistan, we have always had politicians who call each other names and accuse each other of corruption and graft. We had a Prime Minister who was hanged, another who was assassinated, and several who have been convicted of corruption. Never in the United States have I seen a US president too scared to leave office because he might end up in court. But his insults and taunts to the opposition have been very worthy of a Third World election.
And the dancing. Well, what can I say about the dancing? A Third World election is always marked by primitive songs and dances by indigenous peoples celebrating their culture, their joy at finally being given the right to vote. This, at least to me, is a familiar and joyful sight.
To this end, I feel that a contingent of election observers made up of countries from the Third World — Pakistan, Iran, Chile, El Salvador, Zimbabwe, Somalia, for example — should have been invited to observe the US elections this year.
I also offer a few tips for those Americans who are finding themselves confused by what’s happening in your country.
— If your postal ballots are discounted, that is what we in the Third World call “vote rigging”.
— If you have to struggle to get yourself registered to vote, we call this “an attempt to sabotage democracy.”
— If you turn up to vote but find your name has been removed from the voter rolls, this is “vote tampering.”
— If you are intimidated by thugs from a certain party when you go to cast your vote, this is called “political influence/street democracy.”
— If women are prevented from voting, or are told by their husbands who to vote for, this is known as “patriarchy and misogyny endemic in Muslim nations.”
— Civil unrest after the election results are in? This is called “Election-related disturbances.”
— When both sides declare victory hours or even days before all the votes have been counted, this is known as “showing confidence in democracy.”
— And if the loser declares the result illegal, we simply call that “a test of democracy”.
Good luck, America! Vote early and vote often. (Your famous warlord Al Capone said this. I like to think we learned from the best)
Love, A Pakistani
I’ve been thinking all weekend about the murder and decapitation of the teacher in France who showed his middle school class controversial cartoons of the “Prophet Mohammed” as part of a lesson on freedom of expression. The murderer: an 18 year old Chechen refugee who was shot dead on the street by French security forces. The implications: immense, for the five million Muslims in France who by and large live peacefully in that country and have integrated into French society.
I’ve been going over it again and again and thinking about what it means, what it doesn’t mean. There are no easy conclusions to reach. “He shouldn’t have done it” is being applied to both the murderer and the victim, but they both did “it”, and now we are left to make sense of the senseless. Of what cannot be explained. Of what can be understood on an intellectual level, but not on visceral level.
And yet on a primal level, we understand this slaying all too well. The world is not divided into people who kill and people who do not. There are only people who have been given the circumstances and opportunity and those who have not. “I could kill him” is an easy part of our spoken language. We flirt with life and death, we look at our hands and know that they are instruments. We make a choice. Then we spend our lives rubbing out the spots of blood that will not disappear.
I lack the words to express my sadness that such a thing should happen, in the 21st century, when humanity should be evolving, when the events of 2020 should have taught us the need for unity and strength. And yet it has happened, and may well happen again.
Does “why” and “how” even apply to something as terrible as the taking of a human life, for a principle? Cain picked up a knife and slew Abel and was forever marked, left to wander the earth, cursed for eternity. Since that first murder, humans have been taught that it is wrong to kill. Humans have also been taught that killing under certain circumstances is justified. We’re a contradictory, feckless lot, we humans. We kill when we want to and twist the reasons as an excuse for our actions. We claim that we kill for God, for country, for prophets, for self-defense, for honor. We claim we kill because we have no choice. The only other choice is to die.
Everything that can be said about Muslims, religion, barbarism, France, freedom of expression, the right to provoke, to criticise, to mock and mimic, has also already been said a thousand million times over. If you can’t tolerate Western values, get out of the West. If you punch down on a marginalized community, they’ll snap. A lone wolf. A terrorist with links to known networks. A religion that is a death cult. A country with a dirty colonialist past. Hypocrisy. Barbarity.
All the words in the world can’t erase the image from my mind: a teenager carrying the severed head of a man down the street. The children, traumatized and hysterical. The family of the dead man, grieving a senseless death. The teenager shot dead, lying in the street in a pool of his own blood. Another family, some members under arrest, grieving a senseless life.
What happened? How did we get here? Words won’t solve this murder that is no mystery. I have the right to provoke. You have no right to be offended. Take the provocation until you snap, and then suffer the consequences because you do not belong in civilized society. Is this how we got here?
I am a teacher. I shape young minds. It’s my job to teach my students about freedom of expression, about liberty, about the values that shape the nation we live in. I will ask some students to leave, because I know they may be offended by the cartoons I will show them in order to illustrate my lesson. I am doing this out of respect to those students and their beliefs. This is the way around the dilemma. It’s the humane thing to do. I make my choice, and I act.
I am a teenager, but I am also a man. I have been raised to think that my prophet and my religion are more important than anything on this earth. I am a refugee. I have seen things that are unspeakable. They may have disturbed my mind, or perhaps I am evil at heart. I hear of this provocation, and I must act. My life is meaningless if I do not defend my principles, my prophet’s honor. I make my choice, and I act.
It is an endless cycle. It is a trap. It is humanity presented as two polar opposites, when in reality, all of human life, of creation, of thinking and of belief lies on a spectrum. We have made humans out of monsters and monsters out of humans in our need to understand a beheading after the fact.
Religion tells us that human life is sacred, that we don’t have the right to kill under any circumstances, that everything we do has consequences. The existentialists, Jean Paul Sartre and Albert Camus among them, tell us that life is meaningless, that nothing we do will make any difference in the grand scale. And yet we have religious wars and human rights declarations, theocracies and democracies.
When you really look at it, the only thing we have is the freedom to choose. Everything else is white noise. That is the only way to make sense of a beheading.
Mega-successful pop star Rihanna has gotten into some hot water by using a track in her Fenty lingerie show. “Doom” by French producer Coucou Chloe samples the Kuwaiti Muslim preacher Mishary bin Rashid Alfasy reciting Hadith, the sayings of the Prophet Muhammed, peace be upon him. Alfasy has a beautiful voice and his recitations of Quran and Hadith are mesmerizing. I’ve spent hours listening to them.
Muslims believe the sayings of the Prophet Muhammed (peace be upon him) were told to him by God. They are sacred to us, but also we use them to understand the Quran and figure out how to live our lives as practicing believers. So yeah, as a Muslim, I can say that this is something you just shouldn’t do. I won’t join the others who want Rihanna to apologize because I doubt any apology would be sincere. She dated an Arab billionaire for years and had women dressed in hijabs in a previous fashion show. The only reason this recent episode is causing controversy is because it appeared on Amazon Prime.
Meanwhile Coucou Chloe has since apologized and is in the process of taking the track down from streaming platforms. She says the sample came from some Baile Funk samples and she didn’t know what it meant. I’m not buying this. In today’s world where information is a click away, “not knowing” is a lame excuse in today’s France. There are tons of Arabic speakers all around you and all you’d have had to do is have one of them listen to the words to tell you what it meant. But that would mean actually having to defer to someone else’s knowledge. While the French are snickering at Netflix’s Emily in Paris for all its cultural missteps, they shouldn’t feel so smug themselves if this is the level of ignorance they display to other cultures.
The French have the perfect word for this: “mechant.” I’ll leave you to figure out what it means. They talk a lot about women wearing burqas being a “provocation” but I think they’re pretty good at their own side of the coin.
(Cue lots of people (non-Muslim) talking about how easily our feelings are hurt and artists should be free to do what they want. The debate around the use of Muslim women’s dress as a Western tool of cultural appropriation/accessories/fetish is equally tiresome. I could do without this circus, thank you very much.)
Meanwhile, we could use this as a teachable moment about why you don’t stick stuff in your tracks if they’re in languages you don’t speak without bothering to at least listen to a translation.
I watched Cuties (Original title in French “Mignonnes”), the debut film by French-Senegalese director Maïmouna Doucouré, which has been causing controversy for its depiction of very young girls in France who form a dance team and perform an overtly sexualized routine at a contest. There have been calls for Netflix to ban the movie, US lawmakers have taken notice of the film, and in a horrible social media led-backlash, Doucouré herself has received death threats for having made this movie.
Let me say at the outset that nobody should die for the art they make. It is reprehensible that anyone should threaten anyone else with violence for making a film, writing a book, drawing a picture, composing a poem. It is an unacceptable response; the appropriate one is to simply not consume the art in question. And if you watch Cuties merely so that you can perform shock and horror at how exploitative it is, rather than actually trying to understand the message of the movie, then this film is not for you.
The director explains her motivation for making the movie eloquently and convincingly in this clip. She portrays the 11 year old protagonist, Amy, a French girl of Senegalese origin, as caught between two models of femininity, the femininity of her Senegalese background and the femininity of the French girls at her school, the “Cuties” of the title; and three cultures: the culture of her parents’ homeland, conservative and traditional; the culture of France, Western and European; and the dangerous culture of social media, which objectifies women and teaches them that the more sexy they are, the more validation and monetary reward they receive.
Does the movie accomplish what Doucouré sets out to do? The answer is yes, but it’s a very difficult thing to watch. This is because Doucouré’s style as a familiar is to portray Amy and the rest of the cast with such intimacy and intensity that you become totally immersed in Amy’s world. And Amy’s world is one where the girl is pulled in so many different directions, between childhood and adulthood, between innocence and worldliness, between purity and sensuality, that you can literally see her torn in two by all the pressure.
Amy lives in a small flat with her mother and two younger brothers. She goes with her mother to women’s religious gatherings, where they are lectured about how women must comport themselves in orthodox Islam. Mariam, Amy’s mother, is navigating a personal tragedy: her husband has gone back to Senegal and married another woman. Soon they’ll be returning to France and living in the same apartment as his first family. As his first wife, Mariam is expected to welcome the new bride and even prepare the bridal chamber and the wedding feast. Amy is silent witness to her mother’s pain, and Doucouré’s camera focuses on Amy’s beautiful face, streaked with tears, perplexed and hurt, as she realizes the immensity of this rejection of her mother by her father.
Enter the Cuties: four girls at Amy’s middle school who are fierce, aggressive, and beginning to realize the power they have as girls on the cusp of adolescence. They swear, fight, shout, and dance: Amy wants to be like them. Escaping the confines of the traditional culture she comes from, she needs a place that’s less suffocating, and these girls, with their audacity and their inappropriate clothes and their ambitions to be the best dancers in the city competition, attract Amy like nothing else can. Soon she’s enduring their abuse as an initiation rite into their group, and when she proves that she’s willing to cast aside her shyness and inhibition to be one of them, they accept her.
Doucouré shifts between scenes of complete girlish innocence, as when Amy and Angelique, the Cutie in Amy’s building, lie on Amy’s father’s decorated bridal bed and have a gummi bear eating contest; and alarming sexual precocity, as in a scene where the girls crowd over a laptop and pretend to be older, chatting with a teenage boy. They watch porn clips in the bathroom at school, curious about all things sexual, they swear and smack each other around, they disobey and hide secrets from their mothers (fathers are completely invisible in this movie, which I suspect is a purposeful choice on the director’s part). These are girls in all their rawness and energy, a female Lord of the Flies set in Paris.
The girls know full well that they are in possession of something powerful — their bodies, their sensuality, their burgeoning sexuality — but they don’t know how to control it. They are learning how to drive a car with massive horsepower, and there’s nobody to teach them how. Social media is their only teacher; their mothers haven’t got a clue what they’re exposed to. This is reality; do you know what your tweens and teens are looking at and experimenting with? Probably not. But in today’s world, where sexualized imagery of women is ubiquitous and the line between a minor girl and an adult woman becomes very thin at a certain age, these girls are walking that line like a tightrope. It’s no wonder Amy falls off it in the end.
One of the most disturbing scenes in the movie is after Amy’s mother realizes that her daughter has already cracked under the pressure; Mariam has traditional Islamic prayers performed on Amy in a sort of Islamic exorcism. Amy’s made to strip down to her underwear, has cold water thrown on her, and shivers in a way that is part epileptic fit, part dance.
This scene is perhaps more upsetting to watch than the later, more talked-about dance contest, as Amy is flesh-and-bone exposed to the viewer’s eye. But what’s fascinating is a scene that follows, where an Imam comes to meet Amy, prays over her, then tells Mariam that the child is not possessed by spirits or by Satan. Instead, he points to the family situation with the second wife as the root cause of Amy’s troubles. “If you find this too much to bear, you have every right to end your marriage,” he tells Mariam. “In Islam, women have these rights.” Doucouré was very purposeful about inserting this into the narrative, showing the difference between the belief that Islam oppresses women and the truth that women’s rights are enshrined in the Quran.
This and other important messages are embedded in the film, but get overshadowed by the impending dance contest, which takes place on the same day as Amy’s father’s wedding feast. As Amy is forced to chop mounds of vegetables for the feast, and then carry them on her head like a village woman, it becomes apparent that neither culture — not her Senegalese one, not her French one — wants Amy to enjoy her childhood. Both are in a hurry to rush her into adulthood before she’s ready for it. Where does Amy have the freedom and permission to simply be what she is: a young girl?
The dance contest scene is overly-long; the girls perform a routine that is deemed inappropriate for their age but would be considered completely fine if it were performed by 18 year olds. This is one of the blatant hypocrisies that Doucouré intends to point out with the camera work that lingers too long over their bodies, closes in on their stripper-like moves and their skimpy costumes. The merits of the scene, whether it could have been done differently, focused on their faces or of the faces of the audience, can be discussed, but it isn’t really the point.
But this is a product of what we’ve encouraged in society, she seems to be saying, and if we don’t like the results, it’s neither the fault of the girls nor of the woman who wields the camera. Cuties forces us to look at the bodies of young girls in an “exploitative” way so that we understand what it’s like to be an eleven year old girl in today’s hyper-sexualized world. More importantly, it forces us to look at ourselves as the consumers of those bodies, as the arbiters of what is “sexy”, and as the unintended role models of millions of girls (and boys) who are simply trying to understand how to grow up. Look or don’t look, watch or don’t watch, but it’s the message that really matters, and Doucouré has created a work of flawed genius to make it heard.
The new Dune directed by Denis Villeneuve released its trailer yesterday, and I watched it with great interest. I loved the novel, written by Frank Herbert in 1965. Herbert was inspired in part by Islam, by the life and principles of the Prophet Mohammed, and by the Bedouin and Berber tribes of Arabia and North Africa. The novel is littered with references to those cultures, Paul has an Arabic word, “Usul”, which means base or foundation, as his Messianic name. He’s also known as the “Mahdi” which signifies the Messiah in Islam. There is mention of jihad; the Fremen are tribal, dark-skinned people whose planet is filled with spice (oil); Paul’s sister is called Alia, and on and on.
This article in Syfy explains the Arab and Muslim references, then makes the argument that because Herbert borrowed so heavily from MENA culture and religion that there should be Arab and Muslim representation in the new and updated Dune movie. It’s a well-written article, and other Arab/MENA people have been making the argument that since Dune is about colonialism and exploitation, the movie should not erase the indigenous people of the region from which it takes so much inspiration.
Dune being a commentary on the evils of colonialism/imperialism loses a lot if the film erases indigenous North Africans and Muslims, cultures that the books borrow from heavily.https://twitter.com/CocoaMochaCrml/status/1303750063735398406
I watched the 1985 David Lynch movie, which was deemed a colossal failure (I had a huge crush on Kyle MacLachlan at the time so it was a win for me). And I watched the trailer for the reboot, with Timothee Chalamet, Zendaya, Charlotte Rampling. And I’m not sure I agree with the Syfy article that the Fremen should all be very obviously Berbers, or that there needs to be more obvious inference to the MENA region as we know it, or to Islam. Because in the future, will MENA, Arabs, or Islam even exist as we know it? Will there be Arabs on Arrakis?
Would I have liked to see Arab or North African actors in the movie? Of course. It seems almost regressive in 2020 to not include the massive talent that comes from that part of the world. But when we’re writing science fiction or speculative fiction, do we need to replicate exactly what we’re living through at the time on the page (or the screen), or does it need to go through some sort of transformation in our minds in order to work as an effective story of the future, rather than the present?
As a girl I grew up in Pakistan, a Muslim country and also a tribal and feudal society trying to modernize, dealing with a colonial past and the exploitation of our land and people by many foreign powers, although the book’s references to deserts, oil, and monarchy fit the Middle East more than Pakistan, a struggling democracy. Reading this tour de force about feudalism and oppression in future worlds while living under an Islamic dictatorship resonated on so many levels for me.
When I was writing Before She Sleeps, a feminist dystopia set in an unnamed Middle Eastern country, I went back and read Dune to help give me with world building and atmosphere. I liked that the world(s) of Dune seemed familiar, but were still strange and alien at the same time. It linked past to present to future through a story that was as much Greek tragedy as it was the story of a Chosen One leading a people to freedom. Yet it felt timeless. And that’s what I wanted to do in my novel, too, although mine is only seventy years in the future, Dune’s tens of thousands of years ahead.
Although the novel is set in what is today’s Oman, I needed the artistic freedom to be able to play fast and loose with characters’ race and ethnicity. I needed to write in a post-religious world, where religion had disappeared from the earth and only its traces remained. I needed to dissolve borders and destroy countries (I merrily destroyed India and Pakistan, glad to be rid of them both at last). I could not write the book I wrote if I’d been forced to tie it directly and literally to real place and people. I was inspired by the Middle East but it is not the real Middle East in my book; it is a place that I have made up in my head.
If I’d tied everything down and made it obvious who was what ethnicity, it would have seemed clunky and obvious. I stuck to names and hints of past cultures, played around with borders, and tried to avoid too much ethnicity beyond the color of someone’s hair or eyes.
So going back to the original contention that Islamic and Arab representation matters in the movie Dune. Yes, on one level it does: definitely, cast Arab/North African actors in the movie. It’s a shame there seems to be not even one. There’s so much talent from that region; why isn’t it included? In 2020, a lily-white cast is an anomaly, and given that Arrakis is a desert planet, you could put people in who have some melanin in their skin.
However, if Herbert had intended to be that literal, rather than taking inspiration (cultural appropriation? who can say?) from the Berbers/Bedouin/Islamic history, I think the book would have suffered. Will there even be distinctions between race/color/tribe in future worlds, on different planets? Do Arabs really live on Arrakis?
I read that it wasn’t just the Arab world that inspired Herbert, but also the dunes of coastal Oregon (the book is as much a shout to ecology and conservation as it is to the political ramifications of Middle Eastern oil). And as was pointed out helpfully to me, Herbert also borrowed from the Hebrew language with the phrase “kwisatz haderach” (Kefitzat Haderech is a Jewish phrase that means “contracting the path”). This is what writers do: they travel worlds and pick up pieces and synthesize them into something grander, stranger, bigger. Weigh down art with exact formulas of representation, and you diminish it for good.
As a Muslim, I don’t need to see myself on the screen to enjoy Dune. And by the way, there will only ever be one Paul Atredes on film for me.
I first met the American poet and essayist Sejal Shah when we were both students at Wellesley College; a mailbox mixup had us introducing ourselves to each other formally, although I’d been seeing Sejal perform classical Indian dance at Slater House’s annual Divali dinner. In the years that have passed since our college days, both Sejal and I have become writers, and I loved to read her essays over the years, published in places like the Kenyon Review, LitHub, The Rumpus.
The Internet made it possible for me to read her while she was in the United States and I was in Pakistan, so when I read her first book – a memoir published in linked essays called This is One Way To Dance – I felt familiarity and warmth as I read essays that had been published and reworked for this edition and other essays that were previously unpublished. Reading in print is entirely different from reading online. On paper, Sejal comes across as irrepressible: her soul burns with curiosity, courage, the willingness to experiment with life and the boundaries that she and others have drawn for herself.
My favorite essay in the collection remains “The World is Full of Paper. Write To Me”, Sejal’s essay about being taught by the famed Kashmiri-American poet Agha Shahid Ali. Another, “Your Wilderness is not Permanent,” about Sejal’s experience at the Burning Man festival in Nevada, had me agog: I’d expect that sort of memoir from Allan Ginsberg, not the daughter of Gujarati immigrants, raised in upstate New York and actively connected to her South Asian community, working as a writer and academic (And yet it’s not too far a stretch to imagine her as the spiritual goddaughter of Ginsberg through this piece). “Saris and Sorrows” captures what it’s like to enact a Hindu wedding across communities in 21st century America, a perspective you’ll hear from no one else but Sejal.
This book is full of poetry, of heartache, of belonging, of loss. Sejal’s Indian/Gujarati/South Asian identity and heritage frame but never limit the scope of the writing, or the breadth of the vision. To paraphrase Agha Shahid Ali, the world is full of books. Read this one.
I was asked to take part in a campaign produced by Uks Reasearch Center on women’s rights and the feminist movement in Pakistan. There are many misconceptions and somewhat of a backlash against feminism in Pakistan: the project, called “Understanding Feminism in Pakistan: Dispelling Misconceptions, bringing forward Realties,” will run from February 12 to March 8.
Here are the questions I was posed, as well as my answers, reproduced below:
1. What is feminism?
Very simply put, feminism is the concept that women are not inferior to men, and men are not inferior to women. Your gender should not define your status in the world.
Feminism is a timeless concept. Thousands of years ago humans organized themselves along matriarchal societies. History is replete with women leaders and rulers. In our households today, we revere our mothers, grandmothers, aunts and look to them for strength, guidance, wisdom and inspiration. However, the upending of gender roles began in the West and has spread around the world in the last century. Much of the academic language, phrases, and concepts surrounding this modern revolution originated in English. Therefore feminism can feel like a borrowed movement, but its universal appeal is why Pakistani women feel emboldened enough to seek out empowerment and improve their lives.
Pakistani women want balance in their lives, not extremism. This means that they want to participate in traditional family life and also pursue personal ambitions, whether educational, career-related, or something unrelated to either. They want space and time to do both things and they usually do it very well, when given the chance. They don’t really want to break apart and create radical female-only communes, or turn men into slaves, or any of the other wild (and often vulgar) things that are alleged against them.
Our society is deeply patriarchal but this is no different than any other society in the past. The Pakistani context has an added complication of religion: the religious right bring their cultural and social biases and prejudices against women to their interpretations of Islam. They claim that rigid gender roles and the segregation and disempowerment of women are part and parcel of the religion. Because they have been given so much public space, their message dominates and is what gets absorbed by the majority of Pakistanis. The voices of feminists are fewer by comparison.
I am challenged on feminism all the time by young people in Pakistan, especially through social media. Only this morning a young Pakistani man asked me to help him understand feminism “logically.” It made me understand that there are so many misconceptions about what feminism is, and so much backlash against Pakistani women’s attempts to empower themselves, that we have to tread very carefully and sometimes go back to the basics when it comes to understanding feminism as a whole and the different issues and aspects related to it. Young women are starving to hear that their ambitions, desires and hopes for their lives are legitimate, that there is nothing wrong with wanting to be empowered.
At this point in the 21st century, where our youth seeks answers to everything on the Internet, it would be best to harness the power of social media and spread the message about feminism. One of the best mediums I have seen so far is Sabahat Zakariya’s video series on feminism, as The Feminustani(I’m the Feministani on my blog, not to be confused!). And Tahira Abdullah’s clip speaking about feminism while Khalil ur Rehman was staring down angrily from a screen, unable to interrupt her, went viral with good reason. These soundbites and short clips that break down challenging concepts into the language of Pakistanis helps to take away some of the apprehension about feminism and make it relatable for our young people.